аЯрЁБс>ўџ _aўџџџ^џџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџьЅСq` №ПA.bjbjqPqP -8::&'џџџџџџЄJJJJJJJИфф ф ф 8 ( œ–]ЖH H (p p p p p p F H H H ?‡ H(Я4H(]$L^hД`‚;]Jp p p p p ;]JJp p P]   p RJp Jp F  p F   JJ p < 0Ѕэ ФШф Т " 2 f]0–] 6aф "6a 6aJ p p  p p p p p ;];] p p p –]p p p p œœœ  Dœœœ  ^4’"ДJJJJJJџџџџ Beware of the Deal. Jim Cuthbert September 2007 This is the third of an occasional series of papers in the Left Review, (see SLR 35 and 40), intended to illuminate some little known aspects of Ireland’s transition to independence, and to draw appropriate lessons for Scotland. This article looks at intriguing indications that Michael Collins was offered a clandestine deal by the British: and considers what sort of deal might be offered to an emerging Scottish government today. The starting point for this story is the following quotation from Tim Pat Coogan’s well known biography of Michael Collins:- “One of his principal agents in the Castle, Thomas Markham, a senior civil servant, produced a report for him which gave an insider’s account of ‘how it really worked’.” Coogan’s biography then goes on to quote extracts from Markham’s description of the system of British political control in Ireland. The essential point made by Markham was that there was a continuity about the system, to which political change made little material difference: the three salient features of the system were “a) The grasp of human weaknesses and vanity. b) A correct appreciation of the value and use of duplicity, and Pecksniffianism, [that is, hypocrisy]. c) A clear conception of the truth that success in governing depends on well-contrived antagonisms in the economic and social structure of the State.” Anyone reading the first quotation above would naturally gain the impression that Markham was working under cover in Dublin Castle, in daily danger of discovery and possible death at the hands of the British. In fact, however, Tim Pat Coogan’s book is slightly misleading here, and Markham’s actual situation was very different from this. For one thing, this is immediately apparent from the date of Markham’s report to Collins, which is 26th June 1922. This is some six months after the signing of the Treaty which had put an end to active combat with the British: and five months after Michael Collins had taken office as Chair of the Provisional Government of Southern Ireland. During the interim period until the formal establishment of the Free State in December 1922, the British recognised the Provisional Government as the constitutional government of the South. The Provisional Government had formally taken over responsibility for the civil administration on its formation in January 1922: but in practice, the British maintained a strong administrative presence in Dublin Castle, with the senior British civil servant in place being the Assistant Under Secretary, Alfred (later Sir Alfred) Cope, who was known to be close to Lloyd George. Further, and indeed clinching, evidence about the peculiarity of Markham’s position is given in a letter from Markham himself. After Collins’ death on 22nd August 1922, Markham clearly felt cut off: quite possibly, no-one in the Irish Government knew who Tom Donovan, (Markham’s cover name for reporting back to Collins), actually was. So on 4th September 1922, Markham wrote to Richard Mulcahy, Collin’s successor as Commander-in-Chief of the Irish Army, introducing himself: Markham’s letter is in the Mulcahy papers in University College Dublin. In his letter, Markham explains how he came to be at the very heart of the Castle, in the Chief Secretary’s office: “About four months ago, Miceal introduced me to Cope, sent me to the Castle to watch things British, documents etc.” In his position in the Chief Secretary’s office, Markham was able to access the kind of administrative detail which he recorded in his report to Collins of 26th June. In addition, he saw documents which identified spies and informers: “I have discovered some rather sensational stuff - spies’ letters, applications for jobs, confidential reports, etc., etc. From information etc I supplied to Miceal, he agreed that the utmost care and confidence should be exercised with respect to these documents - otherwise guns might continue to click for many a year.” Markham was also able to see correspondence between Cope and Churchill, the Colonial Secretary. So, far from being a lonely spy working in daily danger of discovery, Markham had been placed at the centre of the residual British administration by Cope himself, at the suggestion of Michael Collins. Clearly, there is a perfectly good and above the board reason why the British might have wanted to do this - to reassure Collins that the British were acting in good faith, and intended to implement their side of the Treaty. But equally, it must have been absolutely clear to the British that Markham would report back to Collins any material to which he was allowed access: so it must be assumed that, as regards the bulk of the material Markham passed back to Collins, this was material which the British were perfectly happy, or even actively wanted, Collins to have. In this respect, it is very illuminating to look at the full version of Markham’s report to Collins of 26 June, as compared with the rather selective precis quoted by Tim Pat Coogan. The full version of the report, (the original of which is in the Mulcahy papers at UCD), can be found on www.cuthbert1.pwp.blueyonder.co.uk , in association with the text of this paper. Markham’s report is not just a description of how the old system worked - but of why it failed: “In the recent fight, administration was partly military, partly civil - on old system lines. Towards the end it was assuming the shape of a Military Autocracy - and of this the Civil Administrators began to grow afraid. … Apart from all other circumstances a continuance of such rule for any prolonged period was really impossible.” And Markham’s report also contains strong pointers about the way successful civil government should develop: “In Britain the Treasury is now being called the State Secretariat. It is resuming its normal control over many Departments, and extending it to others. It is tending in the direction of the Castle system. Experience has shown that centralisation is necessary in order to prevent inconsistency and confusion.” So what was really going on? The most plausible explanation is that Lloyd George, through Cope, was offering Collins a deal. Effectively he was saying, “Here are the levers of power, Michael, and this is how they work. Take hold of them, and be the strong man who runs the new state in our joint interests.” It is also highly unlikely that the British would have been so open with Collins unless they were at the same time being given some encouragement from Collins that he was likely to play ball. To say this is in no way to detract from Collins’ reputation. It is now very clear that Collins had had long-standing contacts with what might be described as the Lloyd George faction of the British: indeed, one would expect no less from him. But the ultimate test is - where did Collins’ true loyalties lie: and the actions Collins was taking at exactly this time with respect to the situation in Northern Ireland leave no doubt that his ultimate loyalties were to Ireland, rather than collaboration with the British. So what, if any, relevance do the above events have for the Scotland of today? Things today in Scotland are of course very different from the situation in Ireland 80 odd years ago. For one thing, Scotland is evolving through a purely political process, rather than emerging from a bitter military struggle. Moreover, whereas in the 1920’s the world was moving into the era of centralisation and dictators, the nature of government today is very different. In many ways what is remarkable about modern Britain is the extent to which Government has come to be dominated by the interests of big business and the financial sector. There is a telling incident in the Alastair Campbell Diaries where, in 1996, Tony Blair visits Bill Clinton. How, asks Blair, do you win support for more equity and justice without it meaning more tax? Clinton replied “the private sector was the key, that we must not be defined simply as a public sector government, but bind in the private sector, emphasising their role in wealth creation.” Much of the history of the Blair/Brown years can be read as blind endorsement of this approach, even as it has become crystal clear that the deal offered by the private sector, be it through PFI, or through privatised utilities, is astronomically costly and socially divisive. But this domination of Government by business and financial interests does offer a clue as to the kind of deal which may be offered to an emerging Scottish Government. The deal may not come from the British Government at all - but rather from powerful business or financial interests: and how seductive such a deal could be for a nationalist government: “just sign on the dotted line, (of water privatisation, PFI, social housing privatisation, or whatever the latest gimmick might be), and we can not only solve your budgetary problems - we will also give you the credibility you so desperately need, both nationally and internationally.” If Michael Collins had taken up the deal apparently on offer from the British, then there is a real danger that Ireland could have fallen into the trap of becoming a colonial client style dictatorship of the type which has become so depressingly familiar. Similarly, if Scotland were to sign up to a deal with the financial/ business world, there is a real danger we could end up mortgaging control not just of future oil profits, but also of our freedom of action. Certainly, Scotland will require a strong and successful financial sector: but the danger is that a deal could put the financial sector in the position of the rider, and not the horse, in relation to a newly independent Scotland.     PAGE 3 PAGE 3 12c Q г ш € :<ўМОќr^ к'–Ы'Х'..... .".#.%.&.,.-.../.0.2.3.9.:.;.<.=.A.њіњіёіёіёіьіьіьіёіьіёіёіёіёіфіфіфіфікдкЩкдікдкЩкдіh0>0JmHnHu h0>0Jjh0>0JUjh0>U h0>H* h0>6h0> h0>52"12х ц Q  щ  ‚ de ЬЭЩ#Ъ#м(н(]+^+њѕѕѕѓѓѓѓэччѓѓѓѓѓѓѓѓѓѓѓѓѓѓѓ„ќ^„ќ„n^„n$a$$a$.@.ўў^+......!.".$.%.0.1.2.=.>.?.@.A.§§§§§§§§§§єю§єю§§§„h]„h„јџ„&`#$+0 Аƒ. АШA!А"А# $ %ААаАа а†œL@ёџL Normal5$7$8$9DH$CJ_HmH sH tH DA@ђџЁD Default Paragraph FontVi@ѓџГV  Table Normal :V і4ж4ж laі (k@єџС(No List .@. TOC 1mH sH 4 @4 Footer  Ц9r .)@Ђ. 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